Let me first express my joy at the name given to this institute for a new German-American alliance by my friend, Mrs. Helga LaRouche—the name of Friedrich Schiller, my compatriot.

As the French Revolution was breaking out in 1789, the revolutionary Schiller, who dçnounced and decried the arbitrary power of the princes, desired to overthrow all tyrannical rule and regenerate the world through the new spirit of liberty. Schiller was named an honorary French citizén by the legislature which followed the Constituent Assembly on October 1, 1791.

This, however, is not the only trait which ties me to Schiller.

The title of your institute includes the word "alliance," and that was the name of my resistance network against Nazism, during the occupation of my country between 1940 and 1945. Alliance: a beautiful act of mutual friendship. I sincerely desire that the Schiller Institute become a powerful link
between the United States and Germany, so we can continue to have a positive response to Schiller's famous poem, The Commencement of the New Century, which early in the last century sternly warned us:

Noble friend! Where will peace find refuge
Yet open, where can freedom safely rest?
The century went out in storm and deluge,
And murder ushers in the next.

Across the succeeding decades, Schiller has remained and will always remain a man for all epochs. He was concerned with one thing alone: the coming of age of mankind, who he wished could shape its own destiny, without arbitrariness and with free creativity. And that is what he says, with his poet's magic sense, in his poem "Words of Faith":

Three meaning-laden words we hear,
From mouth to mouth they are racing,
But not from without do these words appear:
Tis words from the heart we are facing.
Mankind is of all his value bereft
If in these three words no faith is left.

Man was created free—is free
E'en though he were born in shackles.
Do not be deceived by the rabble's bray
Or idiots' abusive cackles.
Before the slave, from his chains uncaught,
Before man set free, O tremble not!

And virtue-his is no meaningless sound-
Can be practiced each day if we trouble;
And much as we tend to go stumbling around,
Toward paradise, too, can we struggle.
And what no logician's logic can see
The child-like mind sees obviously.

And one God there is, a Will divine,
However man's own will may waver;
Supremely above all space and all time
The living Idea moves forever.
And though all's e'er-changing in form and in scene,
There persists in that change a spirit serene.

Keep these three content-laden words;
From mouth to mouth implant them.
And if from without they do not emerge,
Then your innermost soul must grant them.
Mankind is never of value bereft
So long as his faith in these three words is left.

Freedom, Virtue, God—these are the masterly words, the words of a faith that Schiller prints in his poems in the same way as the roses of the cathedrals admit light.

Thus, Schiller anticipates the French Declaration of the Rights of Man. Just as the French constitution of 1791 was the fruit of the imperishable friendship betweeen Lafayette and America, so the Declaration of the Rights of Man proclaimed two essential principles: liberty and equality of rights. Lafayette was one of the principal writers of the French text. Article 1 says: "Men are born and remain free and equal in rights." Article 2: "The natural and material-inalienable rights of man ... are liberty, property, security and resistance to oppression."

It is upon this groundwork laid by Schiller, Lafayette, Franklin and Washington that the following generations erected their own choice of society, creating and expanding it into our modern, free world.

On December 10, 1948, the United Nations adopted a Declaration of the Universal Rights of Man, which specifies those rights and underlines the right to popular sovereignty.

In 1950, the Council of Europe which was then coming into being, submitted a text aimed at giving these texts the force of law.

But alas, the rule of law only too often gives way to the rule of arms, and it is impossible for us to forget that in 1917 and 1944, American forces could only save our liberty by intervening into conflicts which threatened to last far longer.

In 1944, in particular, the American and Allied victory was also a victory for the forces of the European Resistance, including my friends of the Ger man Resistance, who recently invited me to visit Berlin on July 20 to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of their open rebellion against the Führer. We ought not forget that, from 1933 on, the first people to be incarcerated in Hitler's camps were German citizens.

We along with other nations paid a terrible price to recover our territories and to defend our ideal of the dignity of man and his fundamental rights.

Our generation is therefore better situated than any other to enter into complete solidarity with the United States in defense of liberty in our time, in the same way as I and my friends have never ceased
to fight for the cause of peoples who are oppressed today, who are demanding our moral, material, and concrete assistance.

Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. and Marie Madelaine Fourcade at the 1984 founding conference of the Schiller Institute

But our so dearly recovered liberty is now ominously threatened around the globe. How is it that, following our victorious thrust in the Second World War, after the horrible experience of so much suffering and so many tears, we have not been able to rescue liberty wherever it has come under seige— we, who know so well the value of our hard-fought freedom?

The Gulags have now replaced the "Nacht und Nebel" camps; torture and physical constraint continue to proliferate; killings without any form of trial are commonplace on every continent where countries are still struggling to maintain their identity and independence.

Hence, the peace sealed in Europe between the Allies and the adversaries of the war, now appears increasingly ephemeral.

And how can we reasonably speak of peace when, since 1945, we have witnessed an unending chain of armed conflicts? First, Indochina, from 1945 to 1974, with its prolongation in Cambodia. Korea in 1950, Algeria in 1954, Suez in 1956. Israel and Egypt during the Six Day War and Yom Kippur War. Lebanon, desperately resisting an invasion from Syria and the Palestinians for ten years. Afghanistan and its determined but isolated resistance to the Russian invasion. The Iran-Iraq war. The Malvinas war. Chad. And then the smaller wars, with their procession of guerrillas in Angola, Mozambique, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and many more.

The situation is clear. The United States and Western Europe are not threatening world peace.

The threat today is coming from the Soviet Union; and anyone who watches their activities without himself acting and making vigorous protest, is only acting out the role of those "happy idiots" whom Lenin liked to speak of.

It is through Soviet infiltration on all levels, of all countries by special agents numbering in the tens of thousands, that they are carrying out this intensive campaign.

The Soviet military arsenal is also an awesome threat. It plays a dual role: as a means of pressure and intimidation, as we witnessed in the affair of the Korean Boeing aircraft; and as blackmail, as in the case of the deployment of the SS-20s.

With respect to the SS-20s and other Soviet nuclear weapons, their great numbers, and the wide range of their deployment, extending from the Baltic all the way to Asia, so that even the American continent itself is threatened, already signifies that the Soviets have attained their sought-for superiority.

Eighty to ninety Soviet nuclear submarines are thought to be in action under the oceans, capable at any moment of attacking adversary defenses. The most obvious concentration of these units is in the Baltic region.

Thank God, in Europe their SS-20s are now being countered by our Pershings, because all we have heard in Europe is calls for the defense of Europe, with no solutions being put forward. Instead, the destabilization of the masses has become manifest in processions of protestors screaming "better red than dead" and "better alive than vitrified," which reminds me terribly of the atmosphere of Munich in 1938.

Over the past forty years we have witnessed many conventional wars, yet the spectre of the balance of nuclear terror still hangs over us, and we remember how the atomic bomb brought about the sudden, apocalyptic end of the Second World War.

Today, the most powerful atomic bombs are in the possession of the two superpowers, and less powerful atomic weapons are available to a half- dozen other nations. Perhaps more countries than these already have the bomb, since, like a matchbook, it has become so perfected and yet so common that one need not scratch it to know if it will work!

We may be facing some surprises in this regard, and while all agree on "nô first use," we are not told what would justify their use. So why continue to produce them under this type of logic?

At a time when Soviet threats have turned into direct action, as in the case of Afghanistan, or have remained indirect, as in Lebanon, through the mediation of the Syrians; when awesome troop concentrations are massed on certain borders; today, in 1984, the survival of the free world and that of the oppressed nations depends on close cooperation between the United States and Western Europe, and on the development of a new global strataegy, which would include providing the necessary aid to "hot spots."

I can tell you solemnly, in the name of La France et Son Armée (a committee which we created and which includes eminent thinkers and specialists), that the new strategy defined by President Reagan in 1983 is the only development which has brought us an immense surge of hope.

For the first time in the past thirty years, the firm declaration of the President of the United States
now permits us to talk of Mutual and Assured Survival, and no longer of Mutual and Assured Destruction.

The new defensive weapons known as beam weapons are well known in your country. In Europe, these arms were first ridiculed in comic-book fashion. People talked about "Star Wars" and science fiction. Later on, it was admitted that “Perhaps these weapons are possible, but they will not be ready for half a century; they are therefore of no interest to our generation." Some are even saying; "This could be a KGB plot to induce the West to neglect its conventional weapons and allow them to turn into junk."

President Reagan's persistence has managed to overcome the short-sighted opposition of these armchair strategists, not to mention how it has produced panic on the Soviet side over the perspective of U.S. development of such weapons. Pravda on April 2 called us "cannibals" in its report on a conference sponsored by our committee, adorning that article with the friendly headline: "Colloquium of Assassins." This demonstrates the extent of their embarrassment over this issue.

Only yesterday we learned that the Kremlin is still obstinately refusing all discussion on this issue. Recent conclusive tests on the American side have clearly put to rest all Soviet hopes of becoming the master of the game in this regard.

This is why the allies of the United States and France must, first of all, become fully integrated into the research and development of these new weapons.

France is in a good position for this race. Our specialized laboratories possess substantial know!
edge of the problems raised by these highly advanced technologies. French scientists and researchers have many years of experience in particle beams, lasers, plasma physics, and electromagnetic waves.

A relationship of trust with ou rallies is required for this, and I hope this is established as rapidly as possible, because France can and must play a part in this race for security.

This is all the more necessary because the nature of battle differs on either side of the Atlantic. In this regard Europe, without a doubt, must have battlefield beam weapons and lasers which can target tanks, aircraft, enemy helicopters, and SS missiles of all sorts.

The Federal Republic of Germany, which is on the front lines, will also have to participate in this defense. Treaty agreements forbid West Germany access to nuclear weapons, but West Germany can now have perfect freedom to contribute to the complete transformation of the art of war, and to provide itself with the security it presently does not enjoy.

These transformations definitely signify that nothing will ever again be the same. We have a new phenomenon, which will challenge the preconceived ideas of the present generation.

It is vital that we now gauge the immense implications of these transformations, just as General de Gaulle tirelessly urged France to adopt tank defense—an idea which, alas, was only understood by General Guderian—and just as my own network in 1943 managed to inform London in time about the truth of the secret V-1 and V-2 weapons, which could have jeopardized the success of the Allied
landing, had the British not destroyed the largest launching pads.

This time around, it is urgent that France and its European partners respond by arming themselves as necessary, and as America offers them the possibility to do so, by demonstrating our constant readiness to ensure our own destiny.

Let us not wait until our moral resolve has already been shattered through a combination of problems assaulting us. The minute a nation or an individual loses its reason for living and dying, it is already too late. Defense today is the key to salvation, progress and peace.

These were my ardent thoughts when I saw President Reagan on June 6 in Normandy at the ceremonies commemorating Overlord. I saw him bow his head over the graves of his dear boys who fell in such great numbers when they assaulted the cliffs, so that liberty might live.

I believe this more than ever today, at this moment of worsening international tensions. The martyrdom of the Christians of Lebanon; the blood spilled by the Afghans who would not be stopped even by paralyzing gases; terrorism that we thought had been all but eradicated, but which is now being revived with a vengeance in the underground corridors of West Beirut and in training camps; the protracted petroleum war, where the satrap Khomeini is sending his own innocent children into combat, along with Afghan refugees; talks which yield nothing and are a dialogue of the deaf; the “refusednik“ Jews of Russia who are the last bastion against the Holocaust—all this is a somber reminder, calling out to us for a remedy.

The Soviets, who are the cause of this abominable destabilization of a world which thirsts for social progress and serenity, only know the application of force.

We must be able to tell them that we know their weaknesses, and that we unhesitatingly condemn their strategems. We must spread the truth throughout the media, and we must put an end to the concessions which only aid them in persisting with their insidious advances.

But how can we demand that they respect the human rights they themselves have formally acknowledged, if these rights cannot be enforced?

As our resistance organizations are demanding in France, we must creale an international criminal court on the model of the initiative made after the war by my friend René Cassin, a Nobel Peace Prize winner. Once such a court is created, sanctions will result from law rather than from unworkable diplomatic talks.

We must organize ourselves in such a way that we can wage war against terrorism in a positive manner, without being afraid to accuse those who must be accused.

Finally, together we must complete the great task begun with the victory over Nazi oppression, that is, we must complete the era of decolonization, and lead the Third World into economic development, as General de Gaulle wanted and began to do.

We must also conclude agreements to ensure our common defense, not merely on a European level but on a world level, since each continent today is dependent on all the others. This can be done by accelerating the possibilities for all of us to develop the weapons of Mutual and Assured Survival, now that the United States has opened up the way.

Providing this is done, we can foresee a world of concord and respect for the human individual, a world dreamed of by all those who died for their ideal during the last two world wars, and all those who are still falling today for the salvation of their own families as well as for their distant and all too ungrateful brothers.

I wish to thank the Schiller Institute for having given me this great opportunity to express this wish from the depths of a long and bloody saga of resistance, and to do so in the capital of the United States—the capital of liberty. I will always be grateful to Mr. and Mrs. LaRouche, these tireless initiators of social and humanitarian progress, and to them I express my most affectionate wishes for success.

It is prophetic that here in the shadow of Independence Day, we gather on this historic occasion to pay tribute to a woman of substance, a woman of immense talent whom we all know as the founder of the Schiller Institute. Certainly on that eventful day Sunday, May 12, 1984, when we journeyed to Leesburg, Virginia, we could not have anticipated the heavy responsibility that was to fall upon our shoulders as participants in the founding of the Schiller Institute. We now know that the Schiller Institute is the only institution dedicated to the urgent task of preserving the historic transatlantic alliance between the United States and her oldest allies.

This challenge has been hurled upon us, and with your help and God's guidance, who can be against us as we shall strive to meet it?

The Schiller Institute will be Western civilization's most trustworthy think tank, supplanting the miserable dishonest ones set up by the oligarchs, for purposes which we now begin to see are the very destruction of that civilization, purposes which are dedicated to the oppression and extermination of the vast bulk of mankind. We resolve that we shall no longer submit to the creators of those dishonest institutions, the men of the Eastern Liberal Establishment who parade as the intellectual might of our society, while conspiring to destroy it.

Let every American, and every European citizen realize that we are all engaged in a titanic struggle against those who have never been happy that the nation of the United States was ever founded on the universal republican principle that each of us must have the opportunity to rise to inestimable heights with dignity and equal respect for each other. By the principles through which our forebears established the United States, we here in America enjoy liberties not seen or respected in many parts of the globe today.

The Schiller Institute was created to promote relations among nations based on these same principles, beginning with an immediate fight to preserve the historical bond between Europe and the United States. In this fight, we face the intention of the Soviet Union and its agents of influence on both sides of the Atlantic, to decouple us from our NATO allies; to remove the modern missiles from Europe; to reduce U.S. military manpower in West Germany. We have reached a sorry state of affairs, in which the American Congress and the candidates seeking the office of President on the Democratic ticket, with the exception of the courageous candidate LaRouche, are supporting and promoting this decoupling effort.

The Schiller Institute serves notice on the members of the United States Congress and all officials responsible for making U.S. policy, that the U.S. citizenry says: the Russian bear shall not pass. Let Russia be constantly mindful that in the hour of crisis, this nation will find an undisputed leadership determined to close ranks, expose the dissenters, and move on to attain our solemn objective.

But Americans, unfortunately, do not know the history which brought their nation to the point at which national policy is made by genocidalists and depopulation planners. We in the Schiller Institute must teach them to understand the machinations of the Eastern Establishment, which gave tacit compliance to the division of the world into two camps, one controlling the East and the other overseeing the policy of United States in the West. A plot was carefully prepared that neither the East nor the West would develop past a certain point, nor transfer its technological development to the needy nations of the world. Agreements between these two superpowers were carefully mediated and controlled by the oligarchy and their retainers in the Eastern Eastablishment.

We must also make clear that Russia has consistently violated every agreement arrived at by these two superpowers, as we have seen with SALT I. After putting its name to the treaties, Russia has forged ahead to stealthily produce an arsenal of military weapons.

But in its quest for world domination, Russia should never forget the statesmanship and leadership of America's most renowned World War II leader, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Roosevelt's spirit captured the loyalty and strength of all Americans as never before, and uplifted this nation to extend its full efforts to bring liberation from the evil fascist hordes. It was a vast venture, the largest in the history of man. This nation embarked on an immense venture at great sacrifice. We rekindled hope in the hearts of our allies in Europe. We brought liberation to Russia from the savagery and barbarism of Hitler. May Russia never forget our contribution.

And let Russia never forget that Franklin Delano Roosevelt not only led the United States in the great struggle of World War II, but sought with all his strength and indominatable will for a just peace to follow the Allied military victory. Let me invoke the passion of pride in every American citizen and hero, remembering President Roosevelt when he said to a heartless Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill that the United States would lead an American Century of world development, ending once and for all the British imperial policies of taking wealth in raw materials out of a colonial country, but returning nothing in consideration. Imperialism was the spirit of the eighteenth century, said Roosevelt to Churchill at Casablanca. The United States, he pledged, would lead the world into the twentieth century, by bringing industry to those colonies, by increasing the standard of living, by educating them, by bringing them sanitation and health care.

The Schiller Institute, young and vibrant, responds in a crescendo of support for the rights of Ibero-American nations, African nations, and the entirety of the developing sector, to these modern improvements. We hold fast to the principle of your sovereignty, and pledge that you will not be stampeded by the scoundrels of the International Monetary Fund, and other financial institutions calling for the conditionalities which will lead to economic domination, control of your industries and raw materials. We shall not surrender to these forces. And as to the rag-picking salesman Henry Kissinger and his associates who willingly do the errands of East and West with no loyalties except to earn wealth by any means, we say: We will hold the line on behalf of our friends in the developing sector.

Born a colonial subject under British imperialism, I know what aggression, oppression, and denial of opportunity mean. I, too, have suffered at the hands of those who call themselves Anglo-Saxon, and claimed that it is their destiny to exploit the people of the Third World. I know their morality well. The sixty chosen families of the United States-- the Eastern Establishment--accumulated their original wealth in the slave trade, which bought agony and tyranny to the hearts of so many, bound in chains and exposed to the most inhuman conditions. These were the same American families who brazenly engaged in the abominable trade of opium to the noble people of China. Today, they peddle the heroin that is destroying America's youth.

Much has been said about the tragedy which these families and their financial policies have created on the continent of Africa. Upwards of twenty- two countries are now in dire need of emergency food. Famine now rages because of drought in a broad belt from Senegal and Mauritania on the Atlantic coast, to Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia on the Red Sea and Indian Ocean, down to Mozambique and Zimbabwe into South Africa. It is predicted that 150 million people will die of hunger on the continent of Africa in this year of 1984. I shall not burden you with details, except to say that Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State under President Nixon and in a high-level position of influence in the administration of President Carter, was a prime mover in the population reduction policy known as Global 2000.

If we do not rebuild the Atlantic Alliance as a powerful force to break the power of the International Monetary Fund, this hideous plan for genocide 100 times worse than Hitler will be put into effect throughout the developing sector. We will see a deadly new form of colonialism in which the industries, resources, and raw materials of nations are seized to pay the interest on the International Monetary Fund obligations: Even in the most advanced of the developing sector nations, this would involve an immediate and drastic reduction of the standard of living and lower wages. If we do not resist, we face what will soon be a complete takeover of most nations of the world by a new and brutally crushing economic colonialism.

Let us here resolve in our hearts and our minds that as protagonists of the Schiller Institute, we will make it mankind's model of hope, faith and endurance, by building an impregnable partnership of trade and commerce between the developed nations of America and Western Europe, and those struggling to develop in Africa, Ibero-America and the rest of the Third World.

Let us not despair, but forge ahead under the leadership of Helga Zepp-LaRouche and the Schiller Institute, to destroy the forces of immorality and restore dignity to the human race, through this alliance for development. If we cement and build up the Atlantic Alliance for this noble purpose, we will create a transatlantic combination that could save Western civilization.

Let us think positively of West Germany's substantial contribution to the onward march of technology and development worldwide. It is the austerity of the International Monetary Fund which is destroying Western Europe's export markets in the developing sector, and is plunging all of our European allies into the arms of the Soviet Union in search of new trading partners.

Consider Russia's ultimate goal as you ponder this problem. Jealous of America's superior productive capacity, recognizing our achievements in high technology, unhappy with the growth of West German and French industrial growth since World War II, Moscow directs its efforts toward splitting us from our first and most important allies, the nations of Western Europe. The Russians are now engaged in a strenuous attempt to intimidate West Germany and France on issues of trade and strategic defense, and the present policies of the U.S. Administration toward our European allies are aiding Moscow's campaign of intimidation.

We must say, together with our European allies: "Russia, your unquenchable greed, unless contained, will condemn you to your own destruction in the community of nations." The Schiller Institute has pledged that American congressional capitulation to your designs, will meet with obstinate defeat by the vast majority of the voters of the great land of America. And the citizenry of America will join with that of the nations of Western Europe to hold intact our historic alliance, built on a centuriesold republican principle, as a model and inspiration for all peoples of the world.